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Intimidation and violence by males in high school athletics |
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This study examined verbal intimidation (VI), physical intimidation (PI), and physical violence (PV) in high school athletics, both by program and by sport. Antecedents were identified via principal component analysis; they included contextual setting, attitude, pressure, and coaching. Multiple regression analysis was used to assess relationships between antecedents and VI, PI, and PV. Coaching was the only significant predictor in 9 of 15 regression analyses of overall VI, PI, and PV, and one of two sigificant predictors in 4 of 6 additional analyses. Coaching was the only significant predictor of VI in basketball and football, PI in football and soccer, and PV in basketball and soccer. In addition to coaching, contextual setting was a significant predictor of PI in basketball, attitude was a significant predictor of PV in football, and pressure was a significant predictor of VI in soccer. The implications of these findings are discussed.
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The role of sport in the construction of masculinities in an English independent junior school |
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This article concerns the central role of organised sport in the construction of masculinity amongst Year 6 boys (10 to 11-year-olds) at an English independent (fee-paying) junior school. The data come from an ethnographic study of one year's duration that investigated constructions of masculinity among two classes. The formal school culture consciously promoted a range of sports/games and made them an integral part of a competitive, masculine regime, although the informal peer-group culture gave primacy to football. The leading form of masculinity embodied was the sporty boy, which was sanctioned by the school, and this gave it a powerful cultural and social authority. The body played a vital part: groups of boys were classified and divided by their physicality/athleticism, which restricted the opportunities for most boys to compete for this ideal. Although I have taken the terms 'hegemonic' 'complicit' and 'subordinated' forms of masculinity' from Connell, I found it necessary to propose another form and relation of masculinity, which I have called 'personalised'. Personalised forms were made up from the majority of boys who appeared content to pursue their own types of identity and did not aspire to, or imitate, the leading form. Only a very few of the boys who were not sporty were subordinated by the dominant regime, although this was also due to a series of other factors which are further explored.
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Young Men's Physical Activity Choices |
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This article draws on data from an Australian longitudinal study into the place and meaning of physical activity and physical culture in the lives of young people. The aim of the national study is to add meaning to the statistics based on quantitative surveys that suggest a declining participation rate and satisfaction of young people in organized sports, recreational physical activities, and exercise. Frequently, socioeconomic status, gender, and geography are used as explanatory variables. In this article, the authors aim to provide an alternative reading of the statistical patterns by exploring how differences in capital (economic, social, and cultural) are played out in the lives of four young Australian males. The authors argue that schooling, geographical location, and access to capital play important roles in the intersection among masculinities, participation in physical activity, and engagement with physical culture.
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The Meaning of Boys' Bodies in Physical Education |
Within contemporary Western culture many believe that a boy's social and cultural development is based largely upon the values attributed to sport ([Connell, R.W.], 1983, 1990, 1995; Hayward & Mac an Ghaill, 1996; Swain, 2000; Whitson, 1990). Booth (2000) provides a historical perspective to this argument, claiming that New Zealand schools embraced rugby as a means by which "the value of hard work and determination, cooperation and teamwork, and character" (p. 54) could be taught. Further, he claimed that rugby enabled males "to prove their `manliness,' `courage,' `heroism' and willingness to sacrifice themselves for greater cause" (p. 54). Sport is often perceived as a rite of passage for boys (Connell, 1990; [Messner], 1992). On the other hand, boys who do not participate in sport are often marginalized due to the cultural perception that sport is a primary site for the social construction of masculinity (Davison, 2000; Whitson, 1990). Those boys who are good in sports are often afforded the privilege of being popular among their peers, thereby enhancing such elements as self-esteem, self-image, and masculine identity due to the creation of dominant and subordinate groups (Swain, 2000; Wienke, 1998). Boys who are less athletically skilled are often ridiculed, which can negatively impact their self-perception (Swain, 2000).
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Real footballers don't eat quiche: old narratives in new times |
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In this article, the authors examine the way that sport acts as a contradictory and complex medium for masculinity making. The analysis illustrates the way that many discourses now unite in a cybernetic mix that offers both new opportunities and presents complex challenges for educators, coaches, and administrators. The method used combines a number of strategies and narratives pitched at the local, national, and international levels. The analysis is grounded in the game of football, although it is argued that the issues raised translate to other settings. At the same time, the authors demonstrate that large-scale, macro level analyses miss an important force working within the dynamics of masculinity making and sport, namely, peer group power. The analysis concludes with insights from a junior coach who has consciously "worked" the peer group dynamics to foster a strong sense of personal and group responsibility.
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